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Michael J. Sandel 美国精英的暴政 能否找到共同利益?

已有 16 次阅读2026-7-28 10:33 |个人分类:美国

精英的暴政:我们能否找到共同利益?

迈克尔·桑德尔著

https://www.amazon.ca/Tyranny-Merit-Find-Common-Good/dp/1250800064

世界知名哲学家、畅销书《正义》的作者迈克尔·桑德尔探讨了我们这个时代的核心问题:共同利益何在?

对于民主而言,这是一个危险的时代。我们生活在一个赢家通吃的时代,机会似乎总是倾向于那些原本就幸运的人。社会流动性的停滞和根深蒂固的不平等,让“只要努力就能成功”的美国信条沦为空谈。其结果是,愤怒和沮丧的情绪不断滋生,助长了民粹主义抗议和极端两极分化,并导致人们对政府和同胞都深感不信任——使我们在道德上毫无准备,无法应对我们这个时代面临的严峻挑战。

世界著名哲学家迈克尔·桑德尔认为,为了克服正在颠覆我们世界的危机,我们必须重新思考伴随全球化和日益加剧的不平等而来的成功与失败观念。桑德尔揭示了精英统治在成功者中滋生的傲慢,以及它对失败者施加的严苛评判,并追溯了这种制度对美国社会各个层面造成的严重后果。他提出了一种看待成功的替代视角——更加关注运气在人类事务中的作用,更加有利于培养谦逊和团结的伦理,也更加肯定工作的尊严。《精英的暴政》为我们指明了一个充满希望的、以共同利益为导向的新政治愿景。

The Tyranny of Merit: Can We Find the Common Good?

https://www.amazon.ca/Tyranny-Merit-Find-Common-Good/dp/1250800064

From the winner of the 2025 Berggruen Prize
A Times Literary Supplement’s Book of the Year
A New Statesman's Best Book of the Year
A Bloomberg's Best Book of the Year
A Guardian Best Book About Ideas of the Year

The world-renowned philosopher and author of the bestselling Justice explores the central question of our time: What has become of the common good?

These are dangerous times for democracy. We live in an age of winners and losers, where the odds are stacked in favor of the already fortunate. Stalled social mobility and entrenched inequality give the lie to the American credo that "you can make it if you try". The consequence is a brew of anger and frustration that has fueled populist protest and extreme polarization, and led to deep distrust of both government and our fellow citizens--leaving us morally unprepared to face the profound challenges of our time.

World-renowned philosopher Michael J. Sandel argues that to overcome the crises that are upending our world, we must rethink the attitudes toward success and failure that have accompanied globalization and rising inequality. Sandel shows the hubris a meritocracy generates among the winners and the harsh judgement it imposes on those left behind, and traces the dire consequences across a wide swath of American life. He offers an alternative way of thinking about success--more attentive to the role of luck in human affairs, more conducive to an ethic of humility and solidarity, and more affirming of the dignity of work. The Tyranny of Merit points us toward a hopeful vision of a new politics of the common good.

书评:《精英的暴政:公共利益何在?》

马克·沃德 2021年1月23日

https://byfaithweunderstand.com/2021/01/23/review-the-tyranny-of-merit-whats-become-of-the-common-good-by-michael-j-sandel/

我非常喜欢桑德尔的《正义:何为正确之举?》。他的力量在于其精辟的分析:他运用经典的哲学工具,直击那些引发争议的议题的核心,如同奥古斯丁的理论一般。而且,他讲解得既缓慢又清晰。他是我见过的最有天赋的课堂讨论引导者(我不仅读过《正义》,还看过他在波士顿WBUR电台的课堂录像;非常精彩)。

这本书不如《正义》那样精炼精炼;它探讨的主题也没有那么重要(要做到这一点确实有些难度)。这本书有点长,也有些重复(不过因为我听的是有声版,作者朗读得耐心又引人入胜,所以效果还不错)。而且,在我看来,它似乎并没有解决书中反复提及的那个难题:如果精英统治并不那么好,贵族统治也不那么好,那该怎么办?!

但我忽略了一个非常重要的重点:桑德尔确实给了我一个迄今为止我见过的、自2016年以来一直困扰我的问题的最佳答案——为什么那么多美国人会投票给真人秀明星唐纳德·特朗普?!这并非本书的重点,而是一个非常重要的论据。本书的主要论点是,精英统治听起来不错,它可以用来分配社会中某些令人向往的资源,例如进入精英大学的资格以及获得高薪且受人尊敬的职业的机会。但是——这一点我永远不会忘记——精英制度往往会让“赢家”变得傲慢自大,忘记了他们成功的很多方面其实与他们的努力无关;它也往往会让“输家”觉得自己就是这样。他们没有实现美国梦的天赋或动力,所以就被淘汰了。特朗普的出现正是基于此:那些为社会做出重要贡献却不被重视的普通人,不喜欢精英们轻视他们。听到希拉里·克林顿称大量民众为“一群可悲之人”,听到奥巴马总统嘲讽那些信奉“上帝和枪支”的人,都令人愤慨。仅仅因为抱怨工厂工作被其他国家的人抢走,就被指责为种族主义者,这简直是侮辱。然而,精英制度不仅造成了这一切,还诱使精英们把资历等同于智力。 (我认为马修·克劳福德的《车间课堂:灵魂的塑造——对工作价值的探究》是一本非常优秀的书,它展现了许多体力劳动中固有的智力挑战。)

贵族制度或许会压制农民和农奴,但至少他们可以对自己说:“我有才能向上攀升。”他们不太可能得出“我是个失败者”的结论。而且,贵族制度还能让贵族产生一种“贵族义务”:他们知道自己并不配拥有特权,所以他们会分享财富。

说到这里,我又要问:“然后呢?!”因为我实在看不到西方会有意地回归贵族制度。即便我被困在罗尔斯所说的“出生前的帷幕”之后,我仍然会选择精英统治的社会及其提供的机会,而不是贵族统治的社会及其等级森严的阶级制度。 (不过我承认,我震惊地发现,美国的向上流动性实际上明显低于一些欧洲国家。)

因此,我很欣赏桑德尔提出的那些旨在缓和精英统治中最糟糕的因素的实用建议。然而,他的一项关键建议却充满了讽刺意味。请听我细细道来……桑德尔对清教主义的批判,仿佛它就是彻头彻尾的伯拉纠主义。其中有一句话错得离谱——但某种程度上,又完全正确。他说,清教徒强调上帝在拣选中的恩典,却扭曲成了对当选的自我吹捧。这大错特错,因为清教徒最清楚,他们谦卑地认为自己无法获得上帝的恩典,他们自身没有任何值得称颂之处。然而,他们却会首先指出,人心如此堕落,以至于会将上帝的恩典变成骄傲的象征。我从桑德尔的论述中听到的,与其说是对清教徒的批判,不如说是对人性的批判。我斗胆推测,桑德尔凭借长期的实践经验,深知世俗主义和古典自由主义无法提供严肃的道德哲学,因此他认真对待神学,对此我深表感激。而讽刺的是,他向我证明,精英校园——比如他执教四十年的哈佛大学——的精英制度极其有害,无论对精英主义者还是那些“不入流”的学生都是如此。他成功说服我,抽签制度对哈佛大学来说才是更好的选拔申请者的方式。但在我看来,他这样做实际上是在论证上帝的恩典。签放在人的怀里,但最终的分配权却掌握在上帝手中。

桑德尔还认为,重视……的一种方法

真正应该做的,是依法限制货币市场,也就是那些复杂的金融工具。这些工具可以让一些投机者在不真正投资商业或生产任何有价值的商品和服务的情况下,赚取数百万美元。这一点我也深有同感。

圣经神学从一开始就教导我们,工作是上帝赐予的善。甚至在堕落之前,上帝就告诉亚当要“耕耘看守”伊甸园。但到了第三页,人类的工作就因堕落而受挫:荆棘和蒺藜遍布园中。桑德尔呼吁重视一切善行,这对我来说在圣经中是完全正确的。

他对精英统治的批判也同样如此。在我神学中,最重要的寓言之一是葡萄园工人的寓言。它表明,没有人会因为自己的劳动而得到少于应得的回报,但主是慷慨的,有时会将惊人的祝福倾注于某些人,而对其他人则不然。我所享受的一切美好都来自上帝的恩典。保守福音派基督徒彼此之间反复说这句话是有原因的。我们都相信这一点,并且通过这句话,祈求上帝帮助我们克服不信,减少我们的骄傲,减少我们心中积攒道德功绩的倾向。

桑德尔的书给了我一些理性的工具,包括严谨的道德哲学工具和对我们所处世界勤勉而睿智的观察工具,帮助我更加信赖上帝的恩典,并保持谦卑和感恩。

Review: The Tyranny Of Merit: What’s Become Of The Common Good?

Reviewed By Mark Ward January 23, 2021

https://byfaithweunderstand.com/2021/01/23/review-the-tyranny-of-merit-whats-become-of-the-common-good-by-michael-j-sandel/

I loved Sandel’s book Justice: What’s the Right Thing to Do? His power is incisive analysis: he cuts to the Augustinian heart of divisive issues using classic philosophical tools. He also explains all this slowly and clearly. He is the single most gifted guide of classroom discussion that I have ever seen (I not only read Justice; I watched the WBUR Boston recordings of his class; they were sterling).

This book wasn’t quite as lean and refined as Justice; it also didn’t deal with quite as important a topic (that would have been a tall order). It was a bit long and a bit repetitive (though because I listened to the audio, read patiently and engagingly by the author, that actually worked out well). And it didn’t seem to me to solve the dilemma it kept tossing from hand to hand for hour after hour: If meritocracy isn’t so great, and aristocracy not so great either, then what?!

But I’m burying a really important lede: What Sandel did do was give me the best answer I’ve yet seen to a question I haven’t been able to answer since 2016—why did so many Americans vote for reality TV star Donald Trump?! This wasn’t the point of the book, more of a very important supporting argument. The main argument was that meritocracy sounds good as a means of allocating certain sought-after goods in a society such as admission to elite colleges and access to high-paying and valorized professions. But—and I’ll never forget this—meritocracy tends to make the “winners” feel arrogantly self-congratulatory, forgetful of how very many aspects of their success had nothing to do with their effort; and it tends to make the “losers” feel, well, like that’s just what they are. They didn’t have the talent or drive to achieve the American Dream, so they’re out. Here’s where Trump comes in: regular people who do work essential to our society but not valorized by it don’t like it when elites look down on them. It’s galling to hear Hillary Clinton call vast numbers of people “a basket of deplorables,” to hear President Obama sneering at those who trust in “God and guns.” It’s offensive to be told that you are racist for complaining about factory jobs being taken by people in other countries. And yet meritocracy has not only produced all this, it has tempted elites to talk as if credentials equal intelligence to boot. (I think of Matthew Crawford’s Shop Class as Soulcraft: An Inquiry into the Value of Work, an excellent book, which showed the intellectual challenges inherent in much manual work.)

Aristocracy may keep the peasants and serfs down, but at least they can say to themselves, “I have the talent to rise.” They are less likely to conclude, “I am a loser.” And aristocracy can produce a noblesse oblige on the part of the aristocrats: they know they don’t deserve their privilege, so they share their wealth.

This again, is where I say, “Then what?!” Because I just don’t see the West moving back to aristocracy, not on purpose. And if I’m stuck behind Rawls’ pre-birth curtain, I’d still choose the meritocratic society and its opportunity over the aristocratic one and its stratified classes. (Though I admit I was shocked to discover that upward mobility in America is actually noticeably lower than it is in a number of European countries.)

So I appreciated Sandel’s practical suggestions for toning down the worst elements of meritocracy. And there was a huge irony in one of his key suggestions. Follow me… Sandel critiqued Puritanism as if it were straight up Pelagianism. There was one key line that was just so egregiously wrong—and yet, in a way, perfectly right. He said that the Puritan emphasis on God’s grace in election got twisted into self-congratulation for being elected. That is so, so wrong, because Puritans of all people knew that they humbly had no purchase on God’s grace, nothing in them to merit it. And yet they would be the first to point out that the human heart is so fallen that it can turn God’s grace into a badge of pride. Instead of a critique of the Puritans, I heard in Sandel a critique of human nature. Sandel knows from long labor, I will hazard, that secularism and classical liberalism don’t offer serious moral philosophies, so he takes theology seriously, something for which I was grateful. And here I come back to the irony. He proved to me that meritocracy on elite campuses—like the Harvard where he has taught for four decades—is terribly harmful, to the meritocrats and the basket of deplorables alike. He persuaded me that a lottery system would be a much better way for Harvard to select applicants. But by doing this he is, to my mind, implicitly arguing for the grace of God. The lot is cast into the lap, but the whole disposing thereof is of the Lord.

Sandel also argued that one way to valorize work rightly would be to legally curtail the money markets, the complex financial instruments that can net millions for the right bettors without actually doing much of anything to invest in business or produce any goods and services of value. This I found persuasive, too.

Biblical theology teaches from its very first page that work is a God-given good. God told Adam to “work and keep” the garden even before the fall. But by page 3, human work has been deeply frustrated by the fall: we’ve got thorns and thistles everywhere. Sandel’s calls to valorize all good work rang biblically true for me.

So did his critiques of meritocracy. One of the most important parables in my theology is the parable of the laborers in the vineyard. It shows that no one will get less good than he deserves for his work, but that the Master is generous and sometimes spills out amazing blessing on some and not others. All good I enjoy is by God’s grace. There’s a reason that conservative evangelical Christians keep saying this to one another. We both believe it and are, by that phrase, asking that Master to help our unbelief. To diminish our pride, our tendency to hoard moral merit in our hearts.

Sandel’s book gives me some intellectual tools, tools of careful moral philosophy and of assiduous and wise observation of our world, to help me trust more to God’s grace and to be humble and grateful.


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